From The Economist. 
NEPAL’S Maoists can put on an impressive display. For the past week   they have endured torrential rain and outbreaks of diarrhoea to bring   the capital, Kathmandu, and the rest of the country, to a halt. Then, on   May 4th, tens of thousands formed a human chain around both sides of   the 27km (17-mile) ring road, surrounding and cutting off the capital.   In a country where politics is marked by incompetence and cynicism, no   other force can match the former rebels for commitment or   organisation—which is only one reason why everyone else finds them so   frightening.
After ten years of insurgency the  Maoists laid down their arms and  signed a peace deal in 2006. That deal  is now on the verge of collapse.  The heart of the process is the  writing of a new constitution, a  long-standing Maoist demand. When a  Constituent Assembly was elected in  2008 to write it, the Maoists  emerged with an effective veto and twice  as many seats as their nearest  rival.
Then things started falling apart. A Maoist-led government resigned   after less than a year when the prime minister, Pushpa Kamal Dahal,   better known as Prachanda (“fierce one”), sacked the army chief as part   of a dispute over integrating former guerrillas into the army—only to   see him controversially reinstated by the president. With some prodding   from India, 22 parties cobbled together an anti-Maoist coalition, but   the constitution-writing process stalled. May 28th marks the expiry of   the interim charter under which the country has been operating. If there   is no agreement to amend it, Nepal will plunge into legal limbo. No  one  knows what law—if any—will then apply.
Agreement seems remote. The aim is to sign a “package deal” in   which—in theory—all sides will have something to show for the   concessions that will inevitably be needed. The trouble is this requires   tackling the issues that have proved most intractable over the three   years of the peace process, notably the integration of Maoist fighters.   There is no sign that these problems are getting any easier.
The timing is tricky, too: which steps should be taken before today’s   government resigns and which after? The Maoists insist that nothing is   possible until the departure of the prime minister, Madav Kumar Nepal.   Forming the next government is another headache: the Maoist candidate   for prime minister is Prachanda himself, but he is unacceptable to many   others, including (it is thought) India.
Then there are deeper problems of trust. Baburam Bhattarai, the   Maoists’ deputy leader, calls the government a coalition of elites bent   on preserving their power and privileges. “The elites”, he says, do not   want to finish writing a constitution, because they know they will  lose  the election which must then take place.
But to their many opponents, the Maoists have not kept their promises   to abandon violence and have not truly embraced democracy. It is   certainly true that stick-wielding members of the Young Communist League   on the streets of Kathmandu look scary and trade unions allied to the   Maoists are often high-handed. On the other hand, killings by the   Maoists have become rare even though at least half a dozen of their own   members have been murdered since the beginning of the year.
Nor do the ruling parties have strong democratic credentials   themselves. The prime minister and one of his deputies lost elections in   their constituencies and got into parliament only because there are   special seats which the parties fill through nomination. Rumour links   ministers from several coalition parties to criminal groups that   perpetrate most of Nepal’s violence, as well as to the opium-poppy   farming which has recently spread in the increasingly lawless south.
So far the protests have remained mostly peaceful but clashes are   occurring, tempers are fraying and hardliners on all sides are itching   for a fight. The Maoists draw much support from the young and   underemployed—the country’s biggest single group. Having fought for so   long, they are not about to fade away now.

 
 
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